Postmodernism is the ideological embellishment of the brutal neoliberal attack on Western societies’ welfare launched in the late 1970s required in order to attain a “human,” “liberal,” and “progressive” face.
Kamran Baradaran interviews Robert Pfaller edited by O Society August 30, 2019
ILNA: What is the role of “pleasure principle” in a world after the Berlin Wall? What role does the lack of ideological dichotomy, which unveils itself as absent of a powerful left state, play in dismantling democracy?
Until the late 1970s, all “Western” (capitalist) governments, right or left, pursued a Keynesian economic policy of state investment and deficit spending. (Even Richard Nixon is said to have once, in the early 1970ies, stated, “We are all Keynesians”). This lead to a considerable decrease of inequality in Western societies in the first three decades after WWII, as the numbers presented by Thomas Piketty and Branko Milanovic in their books prove. Apparently, it was seen as necessary to appease Western workers with high wages and high employment rates in order to prevent them from becoming communists.
Ironically one could say it was precisely Western workers who profited considerably of “real existing socialism” in the Eastern European countries.
At the very moment when the “threat” of real existing socialism was not felt anymore, due to the Western economic and military superiority in the 1980ies (that led to the fall of the Berlin Wall), the economic paradigm in the Western countries shifted. All of a sudden, all governments, left or right, pursued a neoliberal economic policy (of privatization, austerity politics, the subjection of education and health sectors under the rule of profitability, liberalization of regulations for the migration of capital and cheap labor, limitation of democratic sovereignty, etc.).
Whenever the so-called “social democratic left” came into power, for example with Tony Blair or Gerhard Schroeder, they proved to be the even more radical neoliberal reformers. As a consequence, “leftist” parties did not have an economic alternative to what their conservative and liberal opponents offered. Thus they had to find another point of distinction. This is how “the left” became “cultural” while, of course, ceasing to be a “left” at all.
From now on the marks of distinction are produced by all kinds of concerns for minorities or subaltern groups. And instead of promoting economic equality and equal rights for all groups, the left now focused on symbolic “recognition” and “visibility” for these groups.
Thus, not only all economic and social concerns were sacrificed for the sake of sexual and ethnic minorities, but even the sake of these minorities itself. Since a good part of the problem of these groups iss precisely economic, social, and juridical rather than cultural or symbolic. And whenever you really solve a problem of a minority group, the visibility of this group decreases.
By insisting on promoting the visibility of these groups, the policies of the new pseudo-left succeeded at making the problems of these groups permanent – and, of course, at pissing off many other people who started to guess the concern for minorities is actually just a pretext for pursuing a most brutal policy of increasing economic inequality.
ILNA: The world after the Berlin Wall is mainly considered as post-ideological. Does ideology has truly decamped from our world or it has only taken more perverse forms? On the other hand, many liberals believe that our world today is based on the promise of happiness. In this sense, how does capitalism promotes itself on the basis of this ideology?
The ruling ideology since the fall of the Berlin Wall, or even earlier, is postmodernism. This is the ideological embellishment that the brutal neoliberal attack on Western societies’ welfare (that was launched in the late 1970s) required in order to attain a “human,” “liberal,” and “progressive” face.
This coalition between an economic policy that serves the interest of a tiny minority, and an ideology that appears to “include” everybody is what Nancy Fraser aptly calls “progressive neoliberalism.”It consists of neoliberalism, plus postmodernism as its ideological superstructure.
Today some of its most prominent symptoms of postmodernism today are the omnipresent concern about “discrimination” (for example, of “people of color”) and in the resentment against “old white men.” This is particularly funny in countries like Germany: since, of course, there has been massive racism and slavery in Germany in the 20th century – yet the victims of this racism and slavery in Germany have in the first place been mostly white men (Jews, communists, Gypsies, red army prisoners of war, etc.).
Here it is most obvious a certain German pseudo-leftism does not care for the real problems of this society, but rather prefers to import some of the problems US-society has to deal with. As Louis Althusser remarks, ideology always consists in trading in your real problems for the imaginary problems you would prefer to have.
The general ideological task of postmodernism is to present all existing injustice as an effect of discrimination. This is, of course, funny again: Since every discrimination presupposes an already established class structure of inequality. If you do not have unequal places, you cannot distribute individuals in a discriminating way, even if you want to do so. Thus “progressive” neoliberalism massively increases social inequality, while distributing all minority groups in an “equal” way over the unequal places.